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£ 51 


VALEDICTORY ADDRESS 


TO THE 


PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. 


Published in September, A. D. 1796. 



Printed in pursuance of a resolution of the House of Representatives, adopted on 
the 22d February, A. D. 1837. 


T- 



HARRISBURG: 

PRINTED BY SAMUEL D. PATTERSON. 

1837 . 

CApjz 







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£31 a 

. 9 $ 



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TO THE 


PJEOPIjE 

OF THE 

UJTITE& STATES. 


Friends and fellow citizens : 

The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the 
executive government of the United States being not far distant, 
and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be em¬ 
ployed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that 
important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may 
conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that 
T should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to 
decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom 
a choice is to be made. 

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, 
that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard 
to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which 
binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing 
the tender of sei vice which silence in my situation might imply, 
I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future inter¬ 
est ; no deficiency of greatful respect for your past kindness; 
hut am supported by a full conviction that the step is compati¬ 
ble with both. 

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to 
which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform 
sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference 
for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it 
would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with 
motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that 
retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The 
strength of my inciination to do this, previous to the last elec¬ 
tion, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to 
you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical 




4 


posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous 1 
advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to aban¬ 
don the idea. 

I rejoice that the state of your concerns external as well as 
internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompati¬ 
ble with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am persuaded, 
whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the 
present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove 
my determination to retire. 

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous 
trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge 
of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, 
contributed towards the organization and administration of the ; 
government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judg¬ 
ment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset, of the infe- j 
riority of my qualifications, experience, in my own eyes, perhaps 
still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to 
diffidence of myself; and, every day, the increasing weight of 
years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retire¬ 
ment is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that 
if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services ; 
they were temporary, I have the eonsolatien to believe that, 
while choice and purdence invite me to quit the political scene, 
patriotism does not forbid it. 

In looking forward to the moment which is to terminate the 
career of my political life, my feelings do not permit me to sus¬ 
pend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which 
I owe to my beloved country, for the many honours it has con¬ 
ferred upon me; still more for the stedfast confidence with which 
it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence 
enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services j 
faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my ! 
zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these ser- ■ 
vices, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an 
instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in 
which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to 
mislead amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of 
fortune often discouraging—in situations in which not unfre- 
quently, want of success has countenanced the spirit of criti¬ 
cism,—the constancy of your support was the essential prop of 
the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were 
effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry 
it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing 
vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its 
beneficence—that your union and brotherly affection may be 
perpetual—that the free constitution, which is the work of vour 




hands, may be sacredly maintained—that its administration in 
every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue— 
that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under 
the auspicies of liberty, may be made complete by so careiul a 
preservation, and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire 
to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the a flee- • 
tion and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your wel¬ 
fare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension 
of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion 
like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to 
recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are 
the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, 
and which appear to me all important to the permanency of 
your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the 
more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested 
warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal 
motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encourage¬ 
ment to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a for¬ 
mer and not dissimilar occasion. 

Interwoven as is the love of liberty which every ligament of 
your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or 
confirm the attachment. 

The unity of government which constitutes you one people, 
is also now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar 
in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your 
tranquillity at home : your peace abroad; of your safety ; of your 
prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, 
as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from dif¬ 
ferent quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices em¬ 
ployed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as 
this is the point in your political fortress against which the bat ¬ 
teries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly 
and actively (though often covertly and insiduously) directed ; 
it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the 
immense value of your national union to your collective and in¬ 
dividual happiness ; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, 
and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to 
think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety 
and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous 
anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspi¬ 
cion that it can, in any event, be abandoned ; and indignantly 
frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alien 
any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the 
cred ties which now link together the various parts. 

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. 



6 


Citizens by birth, or choice, of a common country, that country 
has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of Amer¬ 
ican, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must al¬ 
ways exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appella¬ 
tion derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of 
difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and 
political principles.—You have, in a common cause, fought and 
triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess, 
are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dan¬ 
gers, sufferings and successes. 

But these considerations, however powerfully they address 
themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those 
which apply more immediately to your interest.—Here, every 
portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for 
carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. 

X The north, in an unrestrained intercourse with the south, pro¬ 
tected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the 
productions of the latter, great additional resources of maratime 
and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufac¬ 
turing industry.—The south . in the same intercourse, benefitting 
by the same agency of the north , sees its agriculture grow and 
its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels 
the seamen of the north, it finds its particular navigation invigo¬ 
rated ; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish 
and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it 
looks forward to the protection of a maratime strength, to 
which itself is unequally adapted. The east, in a like intercourse 
with the west, already finds, and in the progressive improvement 
of interior communications by land and water, will more and 
more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings 
from abroad, or manufactures at home. The west derives from 
the east supplies requisite to its growth and comfort—and what 
is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity 
owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own pro¬ 
ductions, to the weight, influence, and the future maratime 
strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indis¬ 
soluble community of interest as one nation . Any other tenure 
by which the west can hold this essential advantage, whether 
derived from its own separate strength; or from an apostate and 
unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsi¬ 
cally precarious. 

While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate 
and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot 
fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts, greater 
strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from 
external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by 


7 


foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable Value, they must 
derive from union, an exemption from those broils and wars be¬ 
tween themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring coun¬ 
tries not tied together by the same government; which their 
own rivalship alone would be sufficient to produce, but which 
opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would 
stimulate and embitter.—Hence likewise, they will avoid the 
necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which un¬ 
der any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and 
which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican 
liberty. In this sense it is, that your union ought to be consid¬ 
ered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one 
ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. 
f These considerations speak a persuasive language to every re¬ 
flecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the 
union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Ts there a doubt 
whether a common government can embrace so large^a sphere ? 
let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such 
a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper 
organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of govern¬ 
ments for the respective subdivisions, will aflord a happy issue to 
the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. 
With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all 
parts of our country, while experience shall not have demon¬ 
strated its impractibility, there will always be reason to distrust 
the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to 
weaken its hands. 

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, 
it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should 
have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical 
discriminations ,—northern and southern—Atlantic and western; 
whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief that 
there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of 
the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular 
districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other dis¬ 
tricts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jeal¬ 
ousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresenta¬ 
tions : they tend to render alien to each other those who ought 
to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of 
our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head: 
they have seen, in the negotiation by the executive, and in the 
unanimous ratification by the senate of the treaty with Spain, 
and in the universal satisfaction at the event throughout the 
United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspi¬ 
cions propagated among them of a policy in the general govern¬ 
ment and in the Atlantic states, unfriendly to their interests in 


regard to the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the forma¬ 
tion of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that with Spain, 
which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect 
to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. 
Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these 
advantages on the union by which they were procured? will 
they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such they are, 
who would sever them from their brethern, and connect them 
with aliens? 

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government 
for the whole is indispensable. J\o alliances, however strict, be¬ 
tween the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must 
inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all 
alliances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible of this mo¬ 
mentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the 
adoption of a constitution of government, better calculated than 
your former, for an intimate union, and for the efficacious man¬ 
agement of your common concerns. This government, the 
offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted 
upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free 
in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security 
with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own 
amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your sup¬ 
port. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, ac¬ 
quiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamen¬ 
tal maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is 
the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of 
government.—But the constitution which at any time exists, 
until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole 
people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the 
power, and the right of the people to establish government, pre¬ 
suppose the duty of every individual to obey the established 
government. 

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations 
and associations under whatever plausible character, with the 
real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular 
deliberations and action of the constituted authorities, are de¬ 
structive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency.— 
They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and ex¬ 
traordinary force, to put in the place of the delegated will of the 
nation the will of party, often a small but artful and enterprising 
minority of the community; and, according to the alternate 
triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration 
the mirror of the ill concerted and incongruous projects of fac¬ 
tion, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans 
digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests. 


However combinations or associations of the above description 
may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the 
course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which 
cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men, will be enabled to 
subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the 
reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines 
which have lifted them to unjust dominion. \ 

Towards the preservation of your government and the per¬ 
manency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only 
that you steadily discountenance irregular opposition to its ac¬ 
knowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the 
spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the 
pretext. One method of assult may be to effect, in the forms of 
the constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the 
system ; $nd thus to undermine what cannot be directly ove r- 
thrown. ( In all the changes to which you may be invited, re- \ 
member that time and habit are at least as ne< essary to fix the 
true character of governments, as of other human institutions:— 
that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real 
tendency of the existing constitution of a country:—that facility 
in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, ex¬ 
poses to perpetual change from the endless variety of hypothesis 
and opinion: and remember, especially, that for the efficient 
management of your common interests in a country so extensive 
as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with 
the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself 
will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed 
and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than 
a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the 
enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society 
within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in 
the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and 
property. 

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the 
state, with particular references to the founding them on geogra¬ 
phical discrimination. Let me now take a more comprehensive 
view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the bane¬ 
ful effects of the spirit of party generally. 

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, 
having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind.—It 
exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less 
stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form 
it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. 

** The alternate domination of one faction over another, shar¬ 
pened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which 
in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid 



10 


enormities, is itself a frightful despotism.—But this leads at 
length to a more formal and permanent despotism. '1 he disor¬ 
ders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of 
men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an 
individual; and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing 
faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns 
this disposition to the purpose of his own elevation on the ruins 
of public liberty. 

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which 
nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common 
and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to 
make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and 
restrain it. 

It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble 
the public administration. It agitates the community with ill 
founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one 
part against another; foments occasional riot and insurrection. 

It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which 
finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the 
channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of 
one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. 

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful 
checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to 
keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is 
probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patrio¬ 
tism may look with indulgence, if not with favour, upon the 
spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in gov¬ 
ernments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. 
From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be 
enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there 
being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force 
of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be 
quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent it bursting 
into a flame, lest instead of warming, it should consume. 

It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free 
country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its admin¬ 
istration, to confine themselves within their respective constitu¬ 
tional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one 
department, to enroach upon another. The spirit of encroach¬ 
ment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in 
one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a 
real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power and 
proneness to abuse it which predominate in the human heart, 
is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The ne-** 
cessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, 
by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and 



11 


constituting each the guardian of the public weal against inva¬ 
sions of the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient 
and modern : some of them in our country and under our 
own eyes.—To preserve them must be as necessary as to insti¬ 
tute them. It, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or 
modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular 
wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which 
the constitution designates.—But let there be no change by usur¬ 
pation ; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument 
of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments 
are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance 
in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the 
use can at any time yield. 

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political pros¬ 
perity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In 
vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should 
labour to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these 
firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere 
politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to 
cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions 
with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where 
is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense 
of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments 
of investigation in courts of justice ? and let us with caution 
indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without 
religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of re¬ 
fined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and ex¬ 
perience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can 
prevail in exclusion of religious principle. 

It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary 
spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with 
more or less force to every species of free government. W ho 
that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon at¬ 
tempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ? 

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institu¬ 
tions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as 
the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it 
should be enlightened. 

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish 
public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as 
sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultiva¬ 
ting peace, but remembering, also, that timely disbursements, 
to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater dis¬ 
bursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of 
debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous 
exertions, in time of peace, to discharge the debts which una- 


12 


voidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing 
upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. 
The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, 
but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To 
facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential 
that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the 
payment of debts there must be revenue ; that to have revenue 
there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are 
not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic 
embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper 
object (which is always a choice of difficulties,) ought to be a 
decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the 
government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the 
measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies 
may at any time dictate. 

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations ; cultivate 
peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this 
conduct, and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin 
it ? it will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant 
period, a great nadon, to give to mankind the magnanimous 
and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted 
justice and benevolence. Who can doubt but, in the course of 
time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay 
any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady 
adherence to it; can it be that Providence has not connected the 
permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? the experiment, 
at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles 
human nature. Alas ! is it rendered impossible by its vices ? 

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential 
than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular 
nations and passionate attachments for others, should be exclu¬ 
ded ; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings 
towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges 
towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is 
in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its 
affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its 
duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, 
disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold 
of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable 
when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, 
frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. 
The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes 
impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations 
of policy. The government sometimes participates in the na¬ 
tional propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would 
reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation 


13 


subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, 
and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, 
sometimes perhaps the liberty of nations, has been the victim. 

So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another 
produce a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, 
facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in 
cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into 
one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a partici¬ 
pation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate 
inducements or justifications. It leads also to concessions; to the 
favorite nation, of privileges denied to others, which is apt 
doubly to injure the nation making the concessions, by unneces¬ 
sarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by 
exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the 
parties from whom equal privileges are withheld: and it gives to 
ambitious, corrupted or deluded citizens who devote themselves 
to the favorite nation, facility to betray or sacrifice the interests 
of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with 
popularity ; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense 
of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a 
laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of 
ambition, corruption, or infatuation. 

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, sucli 
attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened 
and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they af¬ 
ford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of 
seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the 
public councils!—such an attachment of a small or weak, to¬ 
wards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the 
satellite of the latter. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I conjure you 
to believe me fellow citizens,) the jealousy of a free people 
ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience 
prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of 
republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must 
be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very in¬ 
fluence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive 
partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike for another, 
cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, 
and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the 
other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, 
are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and 
dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to sur¬ 
render their interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, 
is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as 


14 


little political connexion as possible. So far as we have already 
formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good 
faith:—Here let us stop. 

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, 
or a very remote relation. Hence, she must be engaged in 
frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially fo¬ 
reign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in 
us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vi¬ 
cissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and col¬ 
lisions of her friendships or enmities. 

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to 
pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an 
efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy 
material injury from external annoyance; when we may take 
such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any 
time resolve upon, to be scrupuluosly respected; when bellige¬ 
rent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon 
us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation, when we 
may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, 
shall counsel. 

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? why' 
quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? why, by interwea¬ 
ving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our 
peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rival- 
ship, interest, humour, or caprice ? 

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliance with 
any portion of the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we are now 
at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of 
patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the max¬ 
im no less applicable to public than private affairs, that honesty 
is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those 
engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my 
opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend 
them. 

Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establish¬ 
ments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust 
to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. 

Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are 
recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even 
our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; 
neither seeking nor granting exclusive lavors or preferences; 
consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying 
by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; 
establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a 
stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to 
enable the government to support them, conventional rules of 



15 


intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual 
opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time 
to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances 
shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one 
nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it 
must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may 
accept under that character; that by such acceptance, it may 
place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for 
nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude 
for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to 
expect, or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It 
is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride 
ought to discard. 

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old v 
and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the 
strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will controul 
the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from 
running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of 
nations, but if 1 may even flatter myself that they may be pro¬ 
ductive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they 
may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, 
to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against 
the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full 
recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they 
have been dictated. 

How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been 
guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public 
records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you 
and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own con¬ 
science is, that I have, at least, believed myself to be guided by 
them. 

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my procla- v 
mation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. 
Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your repre¬ 
sentatives in both houses of congress, the spirit of that measure 
has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to 
deter or divert me from it. 

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights 
I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all 
the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was 
bound, in duty and interest, to take a neutral position. Having 
taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to 
maintain it with moderation, perseverance and firmness. 

The considerations which respect the right to hold this con¬ 
duct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only 
observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, 



16 


that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent 
powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, with¬ 
out any thing more, from the obligation which justice and hu¬ 
manity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to 
act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity 
towards other nations. 

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will 
best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With 
me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to 
our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and 
to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength, and 
consistency which is necessary to give it, humanely speaking, the 
command of its own fortunes. 

\ hough in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am 
unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible 
of my defects not to think it probable that I may have com¬ 
mitted many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently be¬ 
seech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they 
may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country 
will never cease to view them with indulgence ; and that, after 
forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an up¬ 
right zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned 
to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated 
l?y that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man 
who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for 
several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation th< 
retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, tl 
sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citilog 
zens, the benign influence of good laws under a free goverr| 
ment—the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happj 
reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours and dangers. 

GEO. WASHINGTON. 

United States, 17th September, 1790. 



If.! SIMIJYG TOJY1 * 


VALEDICTORY ADDRESS 


D 


TO THE 


IPEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.; 


mibimt* fit «. 1796. 


, 

Printed in pursuance of a resolution of the House of Representatives, adopted on < 
the 22d February, A. D. 1837 

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HARRISBURG: 

PRINTED BY SAMUEL D. PATTERSON. 

1837. 








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